1. Introduction
The Tet Offensive of 1968 stands as a monumental juncture, not solely within the Vietnam War but also in the evolution of American journalism and the political landscape. Its seismic impact extended beyond the battlefields, revolutionizing media coverage and shaping public understanding of warfare [1]. This section embarks on a comprehensive exploration, dissecting the multifaceted influence of the Tet Offensive on the press, politics, and historical narratives.
Television broadcasts inadvertently normalized the horror of war during the Tet Offensive, projecting selective and graphic accounts that blurred reality and representation. These visuals etched indelible images into the public consciousness, shaping perceptions and sparking societal unrest and anti-war sentiments.
Moreover, the Tet Offensive catalyzed a sequence of events that redefined the political landscape, influencing President Lyndon B. Johnson's decision not to seek re-election [2]. This monumental shift highlighted the undeniable influence of media and public sentiment on the highest echelons of power, leaving an enduring mark on the presidency and the nation's understanding of conflict.
Although the Tet Offensive's direct impact on the subsequent Nixon era was limited, its aftermath continued to resonate, revealing the persistent influence of media on societal narratives. The Nixon era navigated a complex socio-political landscape, facing an intensely divided society and grappling with the intricacies of the Cold War. At the same time, the Tet Offensive's implications reverberated through American consciousness, demanding a nuanced exploration of media's enduring sway over historical narratives. In the broader geopolitical context, it cannot be ignored. The burgeoning rapport between the United States and China, exemplified by President Richard Nixon's historic visit to the People's Republic of China in 1972, marked a pivotal moment in global politics. China's support for North Vietnam significantly influenced the dynamics of the war, affecting the urgency of American involvement. The inquiry concerns how this geopolitical realignment facilitated peace negotiations and ultimately ended the Vietnam War.
This exploration endeavors to unveil the intricate interplay between the press, public opinion, and governmental actions, emphasizing the enduring power of media in shaping narratives that define pivotal moments in history.
2. Literature review
The Vietnam War stands as a paradigmatic example of the intricate interplay between media coverage and geopolitics in shaping the outcome of a protracted conflict. This literature review explores the three major arguments regarding the extent to which the press contributed to the end of the Vietnam War, encompassing the transformative power of television, concerns of sensationalism and oversimplification in media coverage, and the pivotal role of media in conjunction with shifting geopolitical dynamics.
2.1. Television’s Transformative Role
General William C. Westmoreland, the former U.S. Commander in South Vietnam, voiced a perspective in 1972 that resonates profoundly, asserting, "The war was literally piped into the living room, bedroom, and kitchen of most Americans" [1]. Westmoreland's observation underscores the groundbreaking impact of television as a medium for war coverage. Television brought the war's stark realities directly into American homes, erasing the physical and emotional distance that had previously separated the public from the conflict. The immediacy and vividness of television reporting significantly altered public sentiment, ultimately contributing to the end of the Vietnam War.
During the Tet Offensive, Walter Cronkite, often called "The Most Trusted Man in America," delivered a momentous declaration that the conflict was no longer winnable. This pronouncement by a trusted news anchor had a profound influence on the American public, shattering their resolve to continue resisting Communist aggression in South Vietnam. It exemplifies the persuasive power of television in shaping public opinion.
2.2. Media Sensationalism and Oversimplification
Maxwell Taylor offered a contrasting viewpoint, deploring the press's propensity to construct sweeping conclusions from limited truths [3]. Taylor expressed concerns about the sensationalism and oversimplification of complex events, particularly evident in the media's portrayal of the war. The concerns raised by Taylor hold merit, as the film footage broadcast on television often represented events that had occurred weeks or even months earlier. Furthermore, the media's preference for combat scenes, driven by their dramatic and exciting nature, pointed to a priority of viewership over nuanced reporting [4]. This underscores the complexity of the media's role in shaping public perception.
2.3. Media’s Role in a Broader Context
Martin F. Herz, in "The Vietnam War in Retrospect" , provided a nuanced perspective. Herz denied that media coverage was the cause of the war's failure, yet he acknowledged its significant role. This perspective suggests that while media played a substantial part, other contributing factors influenced the war's outcome[5]. Herz's viewpoint underscores the multifaceted nature of the war's conclusion, involving various factors beyond media influence.
2.4. Media in Conjunction with Geopolitical Shifts
In addition to the media's influence, it is crucial to consider the broader geopolitical context, specifically the shift in the balance of great powers, as a critical factor in the end of the Vietnam War. A pivotal moment in this shift occurred when President Richard Nixon visited China in 1972, becoming the first sitting U.S. president to visit the People's Republic of China. This diplomatic breakthrough had far-reaching implications. China, a significant supporter of North Vietnam, had played a crucial role in supplying aid to the North Vietnamese forces. Nixon's overtures to China aimed to leverage their influence on Hanoi to facilitate a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
This diplomatic realignment created a new dynamic in the region and significantly contributed to initiating peace talks and, ultimately, ending the Vietnam War. The interplay between the media's influence and the shifting geopolitics of the era highlights the multifaceted and dynamic nature of the Vietnam War's conclusion.
3. Research Design
This section outlines the methodology used to research the influence of media propaganda and the shift in U.S.-China relations in the context of the end of the Vietnam War.
This research employs a qualitative approach suitable for exploring complex historical events and their multifaceted causes and consequences. Qualitative research allows for in-depth analysis, interpretation, and the examination of various sources and perspectives [1].
3.1. Data Collection
- Literature Review: The primary data source for this research is a comprehensive literature review gathered through academic articles, books, and firsthand newspaper and media coverage related to the Vietnam War and the U.S.-China relationship during this period. This extensive literature review provides a solid foundation for understanding the historical context and academic perspectives.
- Online Archival Research: Accessed relevant archives, including declassified government documents, newspaper archives, and primary sources from the Vietnam War era. These materials offer insights into the diplomatic and military aspects of the conflict, as well as the media's role.
3.2. Data Analysis
Comparative Analysis: The essay will analyze different viewpoints and historical events to understand the interplay between media and geopolitics. This includes comparing the portrayal of the war in the media with diplomatic and political developments [6].
4. LBJ’s defeat and the Tet offensive
4.1. The turning point and the starting point: Tet offensive
The Tet Offensive of 1968 was not merely a seismic event in the Vietnam War; it became a transformative milestone in American journalism. Launched by North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces on January 30, coinciding with the Vietnamese Lunar New Year, Tet, this audacious and unforeseen assault caught the United States and its South Vietnamese allies off guard. Its suddenness reverberated within journalism, leaving reporters unprepared for the unfolding magnitude and significance of the events. This swift and unforeseen assault shocked journalists and the broader public, highlighting the immediacy and profound impact of the conflict.
Hallin highlights that journalists clung to traditional investigative approaches - the 'who, what, when, where' model - before and during the Tet Offensive [6]. However, Vietnam's geographical distance posed challenges to in-depth investigation. Relying on pre-existing sources and individual reporters within Vietnam, like those exposing the My Lai massacre or Operation Menu, became necessary. The unconventional revelation of pivotal events challenged traditional journalistic bounds, reshaping the field's methodologies.
Miller argues that still imagery, such as The Plain Dealer's depiction of the My Lai massacre or the haunting photograph of Kim Phúc, encapsulated the war's horror in single frames, etched into collective memory [7]. Despite this impact, television broadcasts during the Tet Offensive unfolded as a gradual, unforeseen impact. Patterson’s investigation uncovered limitations in news reports during that era, showcasing varying degrees of Vietnam-related stories across major television networks—NBC, CBS, and ABC—during the conflict [8]. CBS aired the most but often with uniform content [6]. However, the footage was often outdated due to shipping delays and served primarily as background visuals, spotlighting the limitations of news reports [9].
Interestingly, the increased airtime paradoxically normalized the war's horror, making it seem routine [9]. Television broadcasts inadvertently led to ‘selective perception’ and ‘selective retention’ among viewers, projecting sporadic graphic accounts as representative of all Vietnam news coverage [8]. The graphic accounts projected on screens blurred the boundaries between reality and representation, shaping public perceptions of the war. The repetitive and striking scenes in Vietnam intensified this invasiveness. Reports centered on casualty statistics, and the infamous 'weekly body count' became common [8].
A poignant testimony from a graduate student in 1968 underscores the real-life impact of these reports, reshaping perceptions and motivating action [2]:
I was just watching the news. General Loan pulled his gun and shot the man, and at first I
could not believe that it was happening. It was unlike anything that I had seen before, and
then I saw the blood coming out of the guy's head.... It really turned my stomach. I didn't
throw up but I came close to it. After that I decided what we were doing in Vietnam was
wrong, I could not conceive of the callousness with which one person executed another with no pretense, with no trial, with no evidence....
Ultimately, the Tet Offensive reshaped American journalism, redefining media coverage and altering perceptions of distant conflicts, embedding them in the everyday realities of American audiences. It is a pivotal event that blurs the boundaries between wars abroad and their portrayal in media, transforming the public's understanding of war.
However, the Tet Offensive did not merely redefine journalism; its influence reached beyond the battlefield. Ho Chi Minh was aware that the most critical part of the war was not about what happened in Vietnam; it was what was broadcast on US television [10]. After the Tet Offensive in 1969, a new Press Briefing Room emerged as a governmental response to engage a broader spectrum of media, aiming to address social unrest by participating in the media war [11]. This initiative reflects a notable effort to adapt to the evolving media landscape during this transformative period.
The Tet Offensive, therefore, marked a turning point in American journalism and media-government interactions. Its reverberating effects continue to resonate, embedding distant conflicts in the everyday realities of American audiences and redefining the portrayal and understanding of war in the public consciousness.
4.2. LBJ's Dilemma and the Tet Offensive's Repercussions
President Lyndon B. Johnson and Vietnam were like "a beleaguered executive attempting to maintain an established policy against an immediate threat in a situation.” He faced a dilemma in Vietnam, navigating between advocating for intensified military action and the calls for U.S. withdrawal. His commitment to preserving an independent South Vietnam aligned with the "containment theory," fearing the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia if Vietnam fell. Johnson's concern was rooted in avoiding the historical stigma of being a president who allowed the region to succumb to Communist control.
The Tet Offensive of 1968 marked a pivotal moment in Johnson's presidency and the Vietnam War. Because of the overwhelming media and social pressure, it catalyzed a series of events reshaping the political landscape. McCarthy's strong performance against Johnson in the New Hampshire primary and Robert Kennedy's entry into the race prompted Johnson to announce he would not seek re-election. Tragic incidents, like the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy and violent confrontations at the Democratic Convention, further destabilized the nation [12].
Johnson's attempts to depict his administration as peacemakers, such as halting bombings in North Vietnam, were overshadowed by Richard Nixon's election victory, premised on a promise of a "secret plan" to end the war. Reflecting on the impact of televised conflicts, Johnson acknowledged the media's role in shaping public opinion and its influence on the perceived success of past wars. He believed extensive media coverage adversely affected how the Vietnam War was perceived, hindering the U.S.'s objectives.
The Tet Offensive significantly altered American public opinion through widespread media coverage. Journalists' reports, despite government efforts to downplay the offensive, highlighted its intensity, the vulnerability of American military bases, and the profound destruction. This contrasted starkly with official narratives, leading to growing disillusionment among the American populace. This shift in sentiment fuelled anti-war protests nationwide, pressuring the government to reconsider its foreign policy.
Walter Cronkite's influential broadcast on the Tet Offensive resonated deeply with Johnson. Acknowledging Cronkite's sway, Johnson conceded that losing the influential news anchor meant losing the support of the average citizen. This acknowledgment solidified Johnson's decision not to seek re-election, underscoring the substantial influence of media on public perception and critical governmental decisions [2].
In the crucible of Vietnam, President Lyndon B. Johnson faced an intricate balancing act between policy, perception, and the pressures of an evolving societal landscape. The Tet Offensive of 1968 redefined the war's trajectory and reshaped the political narrative, culminating in Johnson's pivotal decision not to seek re-election. This watershed moment underscored the profound influence of media and public sentiment on the highest echelons of power, leaving an indelible mark on the presidency and the nation's understanding of war.
5. Nixon’s era: repercussion after television war
5.1. Nixon’s Era: After Math of Television War
At the height of the controversial Laos incursion, Richard M. Nixon exasperatedly snapped, “Our worst enemy seems to be the press!" [13]. Nixon's administration grappled with significant challenges, resorting to stringent measures, including clamping down on leaks. For instance, in the New York Times v. United States case, the Nixon Administration secured a court order preventing The New York Times and the Washington Post from publishing the Pentagon Papers, illustrating the lengths Nixon was willing to go to control the press [14].
The ongoing Vietnam War during Nixon's presidency had profound implications, triggering substantial economic and social ramifications. The intensified war effort escalated government spending, resulting in budget deficits and economic strain. Simultaneously, deep societal divisions emerged due to the conflict, fueling a robust anti-war movement. The tragic event at Kent State University in May 1970, where the Ohio National Guard fatally shot four students, further exacerbated societal tensions, teetering the country and its universities on the brink of turmoil [15]. These domestic challenges constrained Nixon's policies, compelling him to navigate public sentiment and ensure political stability in a climate of heightened unrest.
On the global stage, the circumstances were no less intricate. The United States confronted a dual challenge. Firstly, concluding the Vietnam War with a sense of honor and dignity was imperative. The protracted conflict had caused considerable domestic and international discord, making its resolution an urgent priority. Secondly, the United States had to reckon with the ascent of the Soviet Union, which had achieved nuclear military parity with America. This development posed a significant threat to U.S. national security and global influence. In this multifaceted global context, Nixon faced the complex task of navigating a way forward that addressed these two pivotal issues while also accommodating the ever-evolving dynamics of the Cold War. These domestic and international circumstances underscored the formidable challenges that Nixon's administration faced in pursuing a cohesive and effective foreign policy during this period.
5.2. Nixon’s Action: Rescue Choice From Circumstance
In navigating the challenges of the 1970s, President Nixon's foreign policy, characterized by Henry Kissinger as an attempt to "rescue choice from circumstance," reflects a nuanced interplay between deliberate decision-making and the constraints imposed by the complex era. While the phrase may suggest a heroic and unilateral approach, a deeper examination reveals that the prevailing domestic and international circumstances substantially influenced Nixon's foreign policy choices. The United States was undergoing a transition towards a more pragmatic approach, where "ideological enthusiasms wore thin and national priorities moved to center stage.” amidst the backdrop of domestic turmoil, including the aftermath of Television war, anti-war protests, and civil rights movements [16]. On the global stage, both China and the Soviet Union were undergoing internal and external shifts, offering opportunities for diplomacy. Nixon, constrained by these multifaceted realities, opted to proactively "rescue" the circumstances by engaging with both China and the Soviet Union, shaping American foreign policy in a transformative period of history.
5.2.1. Action Nixon took: Vietnam War
Nixon’s first decisive action was to lead the transformation of America's stance, as articulated in the Nixon Doctrine. This doctrine explicitly conveyed America's new position on Vietnam, emphasizing that "the nations of Asia can and must increasingly shoulder the responsibility for achieving peace and progress in the area with whatever operation we can provide." [17] This statement signaled a departure from the earlier grandiose ideological rhetoric to a more realistic, pragmatic approach. It also stated that Asia’s circumstances were no longer the business of America.
This change in ideology was not solely a matter of choice but was also a response to evolving circumstances. Public opinion had shifted significantly during the Vietnam War, and people were already clamoring for a change in ideology. The war had become increasingly unpopular, and Nixon, who had promised to end it upon entering office, felt compelled to respond. President Lyndon B. Johnson's decision not to seek reelection and the rise of what was colloquially referred to as the "television war," where graphic images of the conflict were broadcast into American homes, had shifted the public mood. Secondly, Nixon’s commitment to ending the Vietnam War necessitated a shift in ideology. The old paradigm, wherein America saw its responsibility as deeply entwined with the conflict in Vietnam, was no longer tenable. Instead, Nixon aimed for a vision of global stability in which major powers, as Nixon himself stated, “if we have a stronger, healthy United States, Europe, Soviet Union, China, Japan, each balancing the other, not playing one against the other, an even balance.” This shift in approach was both a reflection of changing public sentiment and a strategic imperative to fulfill his promise to bring the Vietnam War to a conclusion, ultimately marking a pivotal moment in American foreign policy.
5.2.2. Action Nixon took: Relationship with the Rising Power
The shift in ideology under Nixon's leadership also had a profound impact on America's interactions with emerging global powers, particularly China and the Soviet Union. He suggested that the United States would now ‘deal with countries on the basis of their actions, not abstract ideological formulas’. This shift provided the United States with greater maneuvering space on the international stage.
China, during this period, grappled with internal instability brought about by the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution, while simultaneously facing the external challenge of a growing Soviet threat. Sino-Soviet relations were strained, marked by border clashes in Mongolia. Despite these difficulties, both China and the Soviet Union demonstrated a willingness to engage with the United States. In the Soviet Union, while arms production was on the rise, the nation simultaneously experienced economic stagnation. This dual reality presented opportunities for diplomacy as the USSR sought détente. On the other hand, China's internal and external challenges created a situation where engagement with the United States held strategic value.
In this intricate international landscape, President Nixon faced limited options, but it is crucial to recognize that within these limitations lay the potential for substantial benefits. The acknowledgment that America was no longer the unrivaled hegemony highlighted the reality of a world with rising powers, requiring Nixon to make a critical decision. He had to choose between leading the ongoing global transition or merely following the lead of others. In a display of proactive statesmanship, Nixon opted to "rescue" the circumstances through a bold and strategic foreign policy approach.
His aim was clear: to harness the shifting dynamics of the era to advance American interests and enhance national security. As noted by Henry Kissinger, this approach fundamentally redefined America's concept of world order. The overarching objective was to gradually isolate the Soviet Union, creating a wedge that compelled the USSR to seek improved relations with the United States. Achieving this goal required the delicate balancing of relations with both socialist powers, ensuring that American ties surpassed those between China and the Soviet Union.
This approach represented a pivotal moment in shaping the dynamics of the Cold War and defining America's role on the global stage. By carefully managing these complex international relationships, Nixon's foreign policy helped dispel the looming nightmare of Sino-Soviet cooperation aimed at world hegemony. This not only safeguarded American interests but also contributed to the broader equilibrium of global power during a transformative period in history [18].
5.2.3. Interconnected problem
Overall, Henry Kissinger's description of President Nixon's foreign policy as an attempt to "rescue choice from circumstance" encapsulates the intricate dance between deliberate decision-making and the constraints imposed by the challenging era of the 1970s[18]. While the phrase may initially conjure the image of a heroic and unilateral approach, a deeper examination reveals that Nixon's foreign policy choices were significantly shaped by the prevailing domestic and international circumstances. The United States was undergoing a profound transition towards a more pragmatic approach, marked by the fading of ideological fervor and the ascendance of national priorities. Amidst the backdrop of domestic turbulence, including anti-war protests and civil rights movements, and on the global stage, with China and the Soviet Union undergoing shifts, Nixon found himself operating within a web of multifaceted challenges.
The circumstances were, in fact, interconnected, placing severe limitations on Nixon's room for maneuver. The ongoing Vietnam War, characterized by economic burdens and social divisions, became a crucible that shaped his foreign policies. Simultaneously, the need to conclude the Vietnam War honorably and address the rising power of the Soviet Union placed formidable demands on his foreign policy decisions. Thus, while the phrase "rescue choice from circumstance" may evoke a sense of boundless agency, the reality was one of circumscribed choices and careful maneuvering.
Moreover, the ideological transformation facilitated America's interactions with emerging powers, China and the Soviet Union, providing maneuvering space on the international stage. In the face of a world where the United States was no longer a hegemony, Nixon's proactive approach to "rescue" the circumstances led to the gradual isolation of the Soviet Union and an opening for improved relations with both China and the USSR. This approach marked a turning point in American foreign policy and Cold War dynamics.
Ultimately, Henry Kissinger's characterization of Nixon's foreign policy as a rescue of choice from circumstance encapsulates the intricate balance between agency and constraint. Nixon faced a delicate juggling act as he navigated the complex challenges of his era, reshaping American foreign policy in a transformative period of history.
6. Conclusion
In the intricate dance of history, the press emerged not just as a chronicler but as a catalyst, wielding remarkable influence over the trajectory of events. As witnessed during the Vietnam War era, particularly amidst the tumultuous Tet Offensive of 1968, the power of the media to shape public perception and policy decisions was unequivocal.
The Tet Offensive served as a watershed moment, not just in the war's narrative but in redefining journalism. It blurred the lines between distant conflicts and the daily realities of American life, embedding the horrors of war into the collective consciousness through television screens and newsprint.
LBJ's administration grappled with the pressing challenges of policy, perception, and an evolving societal landscape. The Tet Offensive marked a turning point in his presidency, reshaping the political narrative and ultimately influencing his decision not to seek re-election. The substantial impact of media and public sentiment on the highest echelons of power became undeniable.
Subsequently, Nixon's era was characterized by stringent measures to control the press, reflecting the administration's struggle with the media's influence. Against an intensely divided society and global complexities, Nixon's foreign policy sought to navigate a transformative era, balancing domestic unrest, Cold War dynamics, and the need for international diplomacy.
Ultimately, the press stood not merely as an observer but as a hand that pushed the ball down the tipping point, molding perceptions, shaping decisions, and influencing the very course of history itself. Through these pivotal moments, the intricate interplay between the press, public opinion, and governmental actions stands as a testament to the enduring power of media in shaping the narratives of our times.
References
[1]. Hammond, W. M. (1989). The press in Vietnam as agent of defeat: A critical examination. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Press-in-Vietnam-as-Agent-of-Defeat%3A-A-Critical-Hammond/99cecdf022b272ac3827417acd3091b814fbffad
[2]. Culbert, D. (1998). Television’s visual impact on decision-making in the USA, 1968: The tet Offensive and Chicago’s Democratic National Convention. https://www.jstor.org/stable/261124
[3]. Taylor, M. D. (1990). Swords and plowshares. Da Capo Press.
[4]. Mandelbaum, M. (1982). The press in Vietnam as agent of defeat: A critical examination - JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2702936
[5]. Herz, Martin F. (1984, January 1). The Vietnam War in retrospect : Four lectures : Herz, Martin F. (Martin Florian), 1917-1983 : Free Download, borrow, and streaming. Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/vietnamwarinretr0000herz
[6]. Hallin. (1984). The media, the war in Vietnam, and political support: A critique of the ... https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Media%2C-the-War-in-Vietnam%2C-and-Political-A-of-Hallin/f8f364cb1d5d8f3486987971594c79699c677f51
[7]. Miller, Arthur H. (1974). Political issues and trust in government: 1964-1970 - JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1959140
[8]. Patterson, Oscar. (1984). An analysis of television coverage of the Vietnam War. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08838158409386549
[9]. McClancy, Kathleen. (2013). The iconography of violence: Television, Vietnam, and the soldier hero. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265742391_The_Iconography_of_Violence_Television_Vietnam_and_the_Soldier_Hero
[10]. YouTube. (2022, February 17). The Vietnam War | part 2 | The TV War | Free Documentary history. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W5-iR_5L1LQ
[11]. The press at the White House: 1963-1980. WHHA (en-US). (n.d.). https://www.whitehousehistory.org/the-press-at-the-white-house-1963-1980
[12]. Germany, K., Kent Germany Associate Professor of HistoryUniversity of South Carolina, Germany, K., & Associate Professor of HistoryUniversity of South Carolina. (2023, August 28). Lyndon B. Johnson: Foreign affairs. Miller Center. https://millercenter.org/president/lbjohnson/foreign-affairs
[13]. RJ McMahon. (2000). The Pentagon’s war, the media’s war - researchgate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/236753822_The_Pentagon’s_War_The_Media’s_War
[14]. ACLU history: The pentagon papers: Censorship in the name of national security. American Civil Liberties Union. (2010). https://www.aclu.org/documents/aclu-history- pentagon-papers-censorship-name-national-security
[15]. Gaddis, J. L. (2007). The Cold War: A new history. Penguin Books.
[16]. Gaddis, J. L. (2019, January 15). Chapter 19. rescuing choice from circumstance: The statecraft of Henry Kissinger. De Gruyter. https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9780691194462-022/html
[17]. History, A. (2018, June 13). Richard Nixon and Vietnamisation. Vietnam War. https://alphahistory.com/vietnamwar/vietnamisation/
[18]. Kissinger, H. (2012). On China. Penguin Books.
Cite this article
Bu,X. (2024). Unraveling the Tet Offensive: Impact on American Journalism, Politics, and Nixon's Era. Communications in Humanities Research,33,25-33.
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References
[1]. Hammond, W. M. (1989). The press in Vietnam as agent of defeat: A critical examination. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Press-in-Vietnam-as-Agent-of-Defeat%3A-A-Critical-Hammond/99cecdf022b272ac3827417acd3091b814fbffad
[2]. Culbert, D. (1998). Television’s visual impact on decision-making in the USA, 1968: The tet Offensive and Chicago’s Democratic National Convention. https://www.jstor.org/stable/261124
[3]. Taylor, M. D. (1990). Swords and plowshares. Da Capo Press.
[4]. Mandelbaum, M. (1982). The press in Vietnam as agent of defeat: A critical examination - JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2702936
[5]. Herz, Martin F. (1984, January 1). The Vietnam War in retrospect : Four lectures : Herz, Martin F. (Martin Florian), 1917-1983 : Free Download, borrow, and streaming. Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/vietnamwarinretr0000herz
[6]. Hallin. (1984). The media, the war in Vietnam, and political support: A critique of the ... https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Media%2C-the-War-in-Vietnam%2C-and-Political-A-of-Hallin/f8f364cb1d5d8f3486987971594c79699c677f51
[7]. Miller, Arthur H. (1974). Political issues and trust in government: 1964-1970 - JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1959140
[8]. Patterson, Oscar. (1984). An analysis of television coverage of the Vietnam War. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08838158409386549
[9]. McClancy, Kathleen. (2013). The iconography of violence: Television, Vietnam, and the soldier hero. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265742391_The_Iconography_of_Violence_Television_Vietnam_and_the_Soldier_Hero
[10]. YouTube. (2022, February 17). The Vietnam War | part 2 | The TV War | Free Documentary history. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W5-iR_5L1LQ
[11]. The press at the White House: 1963-1980. WHHA (en-US). (n.d.). https://www.whitehousehistory.org/the-press-at-the-white-house-1963-1980
[12]. Germany, K., Kent Germany Associate Professor of HistoryUniversity of South Carolina, Germany, K., & Associate Professor of HistoryUniversity of South Carolina. (2023, August 28). Lyndon B. Johnson: Foreign affairs. Miller Center. https://millercenter.org/president/lbjohnson/foreign-affairs
[13]. RJ McMahon. (2000). The Pentagon’s war, the media’s war - researchgate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/236753822_The_Pentagon’s_War_The_Media’s_War
[14]. ACLU history: The pentagon papers: Censorship in the name of national security. American Civil Liberties Union. (2010). https://www.aclu.org/documents/aclu-history- pentagon-papers-censorship-name-national-security
[15]. Gaddis, J. L. (2007). The Cold War: A new history. Penguin Books.
[16]. Gaddis, J. L. (2019, January 15). Chapter 19. rescuing choice from circumstance: The statecraft of Henry Kissinger. De Gruyter. https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9780691194462-022/html
[17]. History, A. (2018, June 13). Richard Nixon and Vietnamisation. Vietnam War. https://alphahistory.com/vietnamwar/vietnamisation/
[18]. Kissinger, H. (2012). On China. Penguin Books.